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In further support of abortion rights, overwhelming majorities in 2018 supported abortion during the first trimester if the mother’s life was endangered (83-15); when the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest (77-21); and by slightly smaller majorities when “the child would be born mentally disabled” (56-41) or “with a life-threatening illness” (67-31).On the anti-abortion side, Gallup found that majorities opposed abortion in the second trimester (65-28) and by a larger margin in the third trimester (81-13).Part of the reason for this is that the abortion issue taps into competing, deep-rooted views on the role of men and women in society.
The states in the process of restricting abortion are either seeking to prohibit it after a set number of weeks, ranging from six to 20 depending on the state; or to prohibit abortion after a heartbeat can be detected (roughly six weeks); or, in the case of Alabama, to ban all abortions except those to save the life of the mother.
The abortion debate is a key element in the larger division of opinion in America about the sexual revolution, pitting those who believe that sexual autonomy is crucial to the achievement of gender equality against those who, in the words of the Southern Baptist Convention,honor the rich and valuable contributions of full-time wives and mothers who through their service and self-sacrifice have strengthened their families, enriched our nation and pleased our God by honoring his purposes in their lives each day.
From 1975 to 1988, the views of Democrats and Republicans on abortion were virtually identical, again according to Gallup, when 18 percent to 21 percent of voters in both parties agreed that abortions should be allowed “under any circumstances.” Since 1988, the parties have diverged: by 2018, 46 percent of Democrats, but only 11 percent of Republicans, said abortion should be “available under any circumstances.”Contemporary polling shows that there are a number of contradictions in the public view of abortion.
In some respects, majority opinion is supportive of abortion rights, in others it is opposed.
The public continued to support abortion in the third trimester when the life of the mother was in danger (72-22), but was much more lukewarm toward third-trimester abortions when the pregnancy resulted from incest or rape, supporting the procedure 52-42.
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In addition, in 2018, the public opposed third-trimester abortions when the child would be born with a mental disability (61-35) and split (48-49) on third-trimester abortions if the child would be born with a life-threatening illness.Supporting the “right” political candidates can be just one more way of doing that. These results show that self-interest, when construed in evolutionary psychological terms, plays a powerful role in predicting people’s attitudes toward that would seem to permit or endorse promiscuity are a fundamental threat.According to many of the scholars whose views I solicited, the sexual revolution and the simultaneous entry of women into the work force have prompted two conflicting reactions. For example, one could invest decades of effort in reproducing within a committed family structure to have it undermined by a single promiscuous interloper: Men could be deceived into investing in another man’s offspring; women could be abandoned with multiple children and limited resources.Over the years, the abortion debate has become a linchpin in the political battle between Democrats and Republicans, mobilizing Christian evangelicals on the right and supporters of the women’s movement on the left.Why has the abortion issue had such staying power, compared, for example, with the steady liberalization of views on homosexuality and interracial marriage?So allowing women to have abortions may be viewed by women and men alike as tantamount to endorsing a promiscuous mating strategy.In his response to my inquiry, Steven Pinker, a professor of psychology at Harvard, focused primarily on why men would be particularly concerned about any practice that would increase the sexual autonomy of women: Restricting abortion is an example of men’s restrictions on women’s reproductive capacity, which has taken many forms in various cultures and historical periods: chaperones, veils, wigs, burqas, niqabs, chadors, segregation by sex, confinement, foot-binding, genital mutilation, chastity belts, restrictions on birth control, double standards for adultery, violent sexual jealousy and laws and customs that make a woman the property of her husband.a father who invests in his children will have more successful children, which favors any genes that tilt a man toward investing in his children.Among primates, male coercion of females has evolved many times and is expressed in many different of these ancient impulses have become enshrined in patriarchal ideologies.This helps explain why the most extreme efforts to curtail female reproductive autonomy today are primarily funded by groups linked to Catholic, Orthodox Jewish, Islamic and other belief systems with deep patriarchal roots.Liberal proponents of women’s rights have, in turn, countered this idea with a set of arguments about the real stakes in the argument over abortion. From limiting birth control to banning comprehensive sex ed, U. religious fundamentalists are working hard to outlaw sex that falls outside their theology.those who want to control their reproduction carefully while still having sex, who stand to benefit from the availability of abortion and related services.As Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York formulated it recently: Abortion bans aren’t just about controlling women’s bodies. They want to avoid this cost; abortion restrictions make their lifestyle more difficult.“morality” — judgments about which acts are wrong and which are not — is best understood strategically, a means by which one can try to prevent others from doing things that are (often in aggregate) bad for oneself.